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Editorial: The Genocide and Karabagh
By Jason Sohigian
The Armenian nation has achieved several recent
successes, particularly in Europe, with regard to recognition of
the Armenian Genocide. Because of those successes, however, we have
become the target of a wide-scale political offensive and concomitant
maneuverings. Consequently, we have also experienced some setbacks
and continue to face some daunting challenges.
Last year, in the US Congress, the Armenian Genocide
Resolution was defeated because of heavy pressure from Turkey, the
US oil industry, the State Department, the Jewish lobby, and President
Clinton. We nearly won, despite having had to confront such heavyweights.
Armenia is now also forced to defend itself in a tough
battle in the public relations war over Karabagh. It is under attack
by Azerbaijan and its accomplices in the West, particularly the
United States, which are portraying Armenia as the aggressor--for
having democratically called for self-determination, and for having
acted in self-defense in response to Azerbaijani military attacks.
Armenia is also about to find out how strong Congressional
support is for Section 907 of the Freedom Support Act, which restricts
US aid to Azerbaijan until it lifts its illegal and life-threatening
blockade of Armenia and Karabagh. Moreover, we will soon find out
whether President Bush will honor his campaign pledge to acknowledge
the Armenian Genocide on April 24.
While having to contend with these challenges, we've
continued to achieve successes.
The Maryland General Assembly--despite serious opposition
from the State Department (specifically, Secretary of State Colin
Powell), the Baltimore Jewish Council, and the Turkish Embassy--passed
an Armenian Genocide Resolution.
Similar resolutions and measures have also succeeded
in several other states this year, including in Arkansas, where
the governor noted the ongoing denial of the Genocide by Turkey
and reaffirmed the need for reparations.
Nevertheless, we must continue to remain vigilant
and miss no opportunities to press our case. For example, during
the recent public outcry over the Taliban destruction of Buddhist
monuments in Afghanistan, we should immediately have drawn a parallel
between the acts of the Taliban and the ongoing destruction of Armenian
churches and historical monuments in Turkey as well as Azerbaijan.
We Armenian-Americans have a special responsibility
in this area. In particular, we must constantly keep a watchful
eye on the US State Department. It has consistently opposed efforts
to recognize the Armenian Genocide, and it has floated proposals
such as the so-called Goble Plan proposing that Armenia give up
its southern Meghri region bordering Iran in return for Karabagh.
Paul Goble seems now to have turned his attention
to the Genocide issue. His latest "analysis" argues that
the recent New York Life insurance settlement on policies from the
Armenian Genocide will work against the cause of recognition of
the Genocide, because Turkey will fear what will be more and larger
claims for restitution.
Apparently, the anti-Armenian propaganda campaign
is in full swing. Goble has yet again constructed an artificial
quid-pro-quo: Armenians must give up Genocide reparations in return
for Genocide recognition. Before, it was that we must give up Meghri
in return for Karabagh.
Earlier, in the late 1980s and early 1990s, the argument
had been put forth that we must give up Karabagh if we want to keep
Armenia. That argument was even adopted at the highest levels of
the Armenian government, and by various Armenian political circles.
But through the sheer will of the Armenian people, those artificial
arguments were rejected once and for all.
By having gained de-facto independence for Karabagh,
we have proven that as a nation we are capable of rejecting half-baked
political arrangements that do not serve our national interests.
Regarding his Meghri proposal, Goble eventually admitted
that it was unrealistic because he had miscalculated Meghri's significance.
It's about time that that he and his kind realize that they have
also miscalculated the Armenians' resolve regarding Genocide recognition
and reparations.
US Shows Bad Faith Toward Armenians
By Jirayr Beudjekian
President George W. Bush broke his campaign promise
to publicly recognize the Armenian Genocide on April 24, 2001. This
type of bad faith is not something new to the Armenian-American
community or the rest of the Armenian nation scattered across the
world as a result of the mass deportations perpetrated by the predecessor
of modern Turkey before and during World War I.
Before President Bush, President Bill Clinton not
only broke his campaign promise but personally requested that an
Armenian Genocide Resolution be removed from the agenda of the US
Congress in October 2000.
This diplomatic move by President Bush--the newly
elected head of the US administration--compels each and every Armenian
to think more than twice about trusting promises made by the US
administration.
The first thing on the agenda is the negotiations
for a settlement of the Nagorno Karabagh conflict, which includes
extremely active participation from the US. One can't help but ask:
Can Armenia trust the promises and undertakings by the US administration?
Can the Armenians living in Nagorno Karabagh trust the guarantees
given by the United States? Can the Armenians be assured that "the
oil in Baku will not weigh heavier than Armenian blood?"
The answer is definitely "No" to all of
these questions. History has taught us that justice, morality, and
similar values are non-existent in politics. The Armenian people
were not expecting President Bush to recognize the Armenian Genocide
because of a pledge or a promise he made during his campaign. He
did that hoping to court the votes of the prosperous and vocal Armenian-American
community.
Something else is at play this year. The United States
is trying a new approach to getting involved in the Caucasus and
becoming one of the major players, rather than sitting on the sidelines,
in that geographical zone.
By playing the role of mediator in the conflict between
the Armenians and Azerbaijanis, the US is trying to gain a foothold
in the Caucasus. The expectation was that President Bush might adopt
the right stance towards the "tragic" events of 1915 for
the sake of serving the current US policy in the Caucasus.
We were proven wrong, as the United States bluntly
declared through the President's statement on April 24, 2001. The
US is again taking the side of Turkey by denying irrefutable historic
facts that the President himself is recounting, but falling short
of defining as genocide.
The US proved once again that it gives priority to
serving Turkish rather than Armenian interests. It follows that
the US is not impartial toward the Armeno-Azeri conflict. This in
turn means that the US administration can't be entrusted with the
role of impartial mediator.
Turkey Will Not Elude Justice
By Hayg Oshagan
Starting in 1915 and continuing at least until
1917, the modern world's first genocide claimed the lives of 1.5
million Armenians and threw another 2-3 million into exile, emptying
our historic homeland of our people.
In 1915, we entered into a struggle with the Ottoman
Turks that has lasted now for 86 years. Our struggle in 1915 was
one of survival, a battle to prevent the extermination of a 3,000-year
old people. Today, our struggle is a battle of memory, a fight to
bring justice to history, to bring justice to a nation's suffering.
The Armenian Revolutionary Federation and every organization
that serves our communities, and every Armenian who feels the struggle
and every politician and leader who has a moral sense, knows that
eventually Turkey will accept its legacy of genocide. It will give
up its immoral campaign of denial, it will admit to the Ottoman
crimes, it will admit that the Ataturk Republic was built upon the
shameless slaughter of an innocent Armenian population.
Of course, this is one of the reasons why Turkey continues
to deny the Armenian Genocide. Ataturk did not create the modern
Republic by himself. Many of the people and organizations that carried
out the Genocide, in addition to the appropriated Armenian assets,
played important roles in the Turkey of Ataturk, and the Turkish
state today does not want to stain the legacy of Kemal Ataturk and,
by implication that of the Republic, with the blood of the Armenian
Genocide.
What other reasons are there for denial? The Turks
are deeply aware of their image as barbarians in the eyes of Europe,
a community they desperately want to join. This image of the "barbarous
Turk" established over the last several hundred years is something
the Republic has tried hard to overcome. But a genocide is precisely
what barbarism and inhumanity is about, and admitting to the Armenian
Genocide dooms the Turkish state to its true image.
And finally, perhaps the ultimate reason for denial
is Turkey's attempt to escape from justice. For every injustice,
there is, eventually, sooner or later, justice. And for the greatest
of crimes, genocide, there will be eventually the greatest punishment.
Justice will demand from Turkey recognition, it will demand reparation,
and it will demand land and property for the 1.5 million martyrs
and an entire nation that have endured 86 years of injustice.
And we will get what we demand. Because we live in
a world today where justice is the basis of laws and laws are the
basis for justice. And not only are we, the United States, a nation
of laws, but we are increasingly living in a world of laws. Laws
protect freedoms, provide for equality, and guarantee human rights.
And in a world of laws, justice eventually will, has
to, prevail. Regardless of politics, regardless of military bases,
regardless of NATO, regardless of trade, regardless of lobbying,
injustice cannot survive. This is the world in which a man like
General Pinochet can be brought to justice for crimes committed
long ago, by courts in Spain and England, by the descendents of
his victims. This is the world in which a former President, a man
like Milosevic, can be arrested for crimes against humanity. This
is the world in which a former Secretary of State, a man like Kissinger,
is expected to be brought to trial for his role in crimes in Chile,
Cyprus, and East Timor. This is the world in which 60 years after
World War II, a nation like Japan apologizes to Korea for crimes
committed during the war, or a nation like the United States apologizes
to its Japanese citizens for human rights abuses and internment
camps during the 1940s.
And it is a nation of laws and a quest for justice
that allowed Armenians to sue New York Life Insurance Co., which
recently agreed to an eventual financial settlement with all Armenians
who lost their lives in the Genocide and who carried New York Life
insurance.
And it is the pursuit of justice in a world governed
by laws that has led to resolutions and recognition of the Genocide
in Uruguay, Argentina, the European Parliament, the Russian Duma,
Canada, Greece, Lebanon, Belgium, France, Italy, Cyprus, and the
list will continue to grow.
And it is the same justice and the same laws that
will require the United States government to eventually recognize
the Armenian Genocide. And then, finally, justice will be served
when Turkey accepts its own criminal history and submits to its
punishment.
All nations and governments need to learn that injustice
is never forgotten. An injustice committed against our grandparents
was never forgotten by them, it was not forgotten by our parents,
it lives as strongly in us, and it will be as strongly felt in our
children and their children. We have fought for justice just as
our parents and their parents did before us, and our children will
carry the struggle into the future until one day, justice, complete
justice, will belong to the Armenian nation. There is, simply, no
other way.
April 24 will always be a symbol of inhumanity, of
a terrible crime perpetrated upon an innocent population. But someday,
it will also symbolize how justice cannot be evaded and how eventually
every nation, just as every person, is accountable for their crimes
in a just world.
There cannot be any other way, and we will not accept
anything less.
Hayg Oshagan is a member of the ARF Central Committee
of the Eastern US.
The Road to Recognition
By Senator Steven A. Tolman
On the eve of the worst conflict in human history,
Adolph Hitler invoked murderous precedent to justify the imminent
slaughter of Europe's Jewish population. He boldly declared: "Who
today remembers the extermination of the Armenians?" The answer
is this: although 86 years have passed since the systematic deportation
and murder of 1.5 million Armenians and many people remember the
Armenian Genocide, the road to recognition has been long and hard.
Throughout the 19th century, the Armenian people survived
a denial of rights and culture at the hands of the Turkish government.
That century of hostility concluded with the massacres of 1894-95,
when forces of the Turkish government murdered anywhere between
150,000 to 300,000 Armenians. In 1908, the Young Turks seized power
through a military coup. Although they provided a new constitution
and government, the Young Turks also brought new ferocity to the
old policy of Armenian persecution. This violence culminated when
World War I enveloped the world in chaos, cloaking the oncoming
tragedy.
During World War I, the Turkish government carried
out a deliberate plan to systematically exterminate the Armenian
people, which Hitler's final solution consciously emulated. The
Turkish government began the genocide by arresting Armenian political,
religious, and intellectual leaders in Istanbul on April 24, 1915.
Turkish forces methodically rounded up Armenians town-by-town and
village-by-village and drove them from their homes. The deportations
separated men and women, husband and wives, children and parents.
The men, many of whom served the Turkish army in forced labor battalions,
were summarily executed. Women and children marched to "relocation
centers" where, if they survived the months of trudging through
both mountain and deserts deprived of food and water, they died
of exposure.
Despite the heinous nature of this slaughter, 1.5
million Armenian victims, testimony from survivors, the eyewitness
accounts of foreign officials, and nearly a century of fighting
for recognition, the Turkish government still denies the Armenian
Genocide ever happened. Beyond this denial, however, the Turkish
government spends millions of dollars every year on public relations
firms and high-powered lobbyists to perpetuate this fallacy. Particularly
frustrating is the Turkish government's practice of endowing university
Chairs and exerting the accompanying influence to appoint scholars
sympathetic to the Turkish version of events. This attempt to wipe
the stain of the genocide from the modern historical record has
been successful at some universities, while others, most notably
UCLA, have resisted the allure of purchased history.
Due to our strategic relationship with Turkey, the
United States has never officially recognized the actions of the
Turkish government as genocide. In fact, members of Congress presented
a resolution to Congress last year to finally recognize the Genocide,
but President Clinton requested the resolution be withdrawn. The
President claimed that American lives were at risk if we jeopardized
our relationship with Turkey, and Congress subsequently abandoned
the resolution. This is a troublesome and unfortunate position.
For example, more than sixty years ago Hitler recognized the real
history as well as the lack of public acknowledgment for the Armenian
Genocide, and took that to be a good sign for his own plans. American
non-recognition of the Armenian Genocide holds history hostage to
politics, but also gives license to potentially genocidal regimes
in the hope that their friends will not criticize them for political
reasons.
The difficulties in the nearly century long struggle
for universal recognition undoubtedly frustrates Armenians and non-Armenians
alike. Thus far only a handful of governments, including Russia
and Greece, and the Vatican, have publicly acknowledged this episode
in history. This year, however, marks a major victory on the road
to recognition. The French government became the first nation to
have both the legislative and executive branches of government formally
recognize the Genocide. We are fortunate enough to host the French
Consul-General, as he will speak regarding this decision at the
annual Armenian Genocide Commemoration at the State House on April
20. As one of twenty-five states that recognize the Armenian Genocide,
the Commonwealth has a proud Armenian population and a tradition
of being on the forefront of recognizing this tragedy, and this
year proves no different.
This commemoration, hosted with my colleagues Representatives
Rachel Kaprielian and Peter Koutoujian and Senate Majority Leader
Linda Melconian, is held every April and invites the public to honor
the memory of the victims and the suffering and perseverance of
survivors. The stirring image and enduring courage of these people
are truly an inspiration to all. To this end, I worked diligently
with my colleagues and former Senator Warren Tolman to pass the
Human Rights and Genocide Curriculum Bill, which developed the curriculum
that public schools may utilize to instruct students about the Armenian
Genocide, the Holocaust, the Great Irish Hunger, the Middle Passage
Slave Trade, and other tragic episodes in history. We believe that
confronting and learning from the mistakes of the past is necessary
to foster an atmosphere of tolerance and prevent future tragedies.
We as individuals must do our part to ensure that the memories and
lessons of the Armenian Genocide will never be forgotten.
Senator Steven A. Tolman represents the Middlesex
and Suffolk District of Massachusetts
Jason Sohigian is the editor of The Armenian Weekly
and can be contacted at: jsohigian@hotmail.com
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